EXHIBICION VOLVO 2008 Venezuela

EXHIBICION VOLVO 2008 Venezuela: Como un gran exito, podemos calificar, la ACROBATICA, demostración, que realizaron en la fecha del día de hoy; los equipos VOLVO; que la empresa GRUPO CASCO de VENZEZUELA c.a.; ejecutó hoy en las inmediaciones del Aeropuerto Internacional de la ciudad de Valencia.
Giros de 360º; escalando promontorios, desplazando TM de arena en cuestión de segundos; excavando, aplanando, trillando; con una eficiencia, rapidez, confortabilidad, que el común de los ciudadanos, no espera que puedan realizar con tal destreza y gracia, unos equipos de tales dimensiones ciclopeas.
Por haber sido testigos de exepción en esta demostración, no nos queda mas palabras que felicitarlos y desearles exitos en su introducción al mercado de la construcción; con la expectativa de poder verlos en acción en la VENTA CONCERTADA 2008 que la AVMP realizará en el Poliedro de CARACAS en el marco de la EXPOCONSTRUCCION 2008.

NEWS de la CUMBRE IBEROAMERICANA

Balance de la XVII Cumbre Iberoamericana 12/11/2007
Tomado de Ciberamerica.org Santiago, 12 de noviembre.-
Al termino de la XVII Cumbre Iberoamericana, tras la firma de la Declaración de Santiago, la presidenta de Chile, Michelle Bachelet, el presidente de El Salvador (sede de la próxima Cumbre), Elías Antonio Saca y el Secretario General Iberoamericano, Enrique V. Iglesias, comparecieron ante los medios de comunicación para analizar las conclusiones de la Cumbre. En su intervención, Michelle Bachelet destacó que “todos los Presidentes, absolutamente todos, han firmado la Declaración de Santiago y el Plan de Acción ”, resaltando que además, “se han comprometido a llevarlo adelante”. En este sentido, subrayó que los 24 puntos del documento final están “orientados para materializar la cohesión social en Iberoamérica”, ya que “permitirá avanzar en todos los temas tratados si somos capaces de poner en marcha los acuerdos que se han firmado”. La Mandataria, que calificó la cita de Santiago como “una Cumbre histórica”, dijo que es hora de “empezar a escribir un nuevo pacto social para construir sociedades más justas e inclusivas” en América Latina y el Caribe. Así mismo, añadió que uno de los logros de la XVII Cumbre es poder “entregar derechos sociales efectivos a los ciudadanos y ciudadanas”, destacando que la Declaración de Santiago cuenta “con un plan de acción concreto que permite abordar los temas discutidos”. La Jefa de Estado chilena destacó también acuerdos concretos como la creación de un Fondo del Agua Potable, el programa de transferencia tecnológica sobre recursos hídricos, la adopción del Programa Iberoamericano de Movilidad Académica de Postgrado Pablo Neruda; la implementación del Plan Iberoamericano de Alfabetización y Educación Básica de personas jóvenes y adultas; y el Convenio Multilateral Iberoamericano de Seguridad Social. Turno para la juventud en la XVIII Cumbre Iberoamericana Por su parte, el presidente de El Salvador, Elías Antonio Saca, aseguró que la XVIII Cumbre Iberoamericana, que tendrá lugar en San Salvador en octubre de 2008, analizará “los resultados de las políticas vinculadas a la participación de la juventud en todos los ámbitos de la Comunidad Iberoamericana”. Saca indicó que la juventud de la región “necesita atención”, y mostró su preocupación por “el aumento de la tasa de desempleo en los jóvenes”. En este sentido, subrayó que es necesario “desarrollar las condiciones favorables para dar empleo digno” a más de 150 millones de jóvenes de Iberoamérica. Saca reafirmó el compromiso de El Salvador con “la juventud iberoamericana”, ya que “la apuesta por el desarrollo integral de la juventud es un reto” para los países de la región. Así mismo, aseguró que “no puede haber mejor inversión en la sociedad que la dirigida a potenciar las capacidades de los jóvenes”. Enrique V. Iglesia: “La Cumbre de la mejor cosecha” En la rueda de prensa, el Secretario General Iberoamericano, Enrique V. Iglesias, destacó “el éxito de la reunión”, señalando que ha sido la cita “con mejor cosecha que hemos tenido a lo largo de la historia de las Cumbres”. En este sentido, afirmó que se ha logrado “el primer acuerdo comunitario” de la historia de las Cumbres, en referencia al Convenio Iberoamericano de Seguridad Social. Entre otros temas, el Secretario General Iberoamericano destacó que la Cumbre de Santiago ha sido “la culminación de un proceso de todo un año”, y recordó los cuatro grandes foros celebrados, las once reuniones ministeriales sectoriales, así como el desarrollo de los programas de cooperación en marcha. Iglesias, que felicitó el trabajo organizativo realizado por el país anfitrión, Chile, también hizo referencia a la propuesta del Fondo del Agua potable, y al Fondo especial chileno para la Protección de Infancia, que han sido encomendados a la Secretaría General Iberoamericana (SEGIB). En su intervención también destacó la aprobación de la Carta Iberoamericana de Gobierno electrónico, el dispositivo para la prevención y atención de desastres naturales, la creación de una comisión iberoamericana para conmemorar los Bicentenarios, la red de Bancos de Leche Materna, la creación de la Orquesta Juvenil Iberoamericana, y la puesta en marcha del Plan de Alfabetización propuesto en la XVI Cumbre Iberoamericana de Montevideo. Así mismo, recordó que la SEGIB seguirá trabajando en temas como la creación de un Fondo Iberoamericano de Cohesión Social, la constitución del Centro de Estudios para la Paz dentro de la cooperación en materia de defensa, las alianzas público-privadas, la situación de las poblaciones indígenas y afrodescendientes y la Alianza de Civilizaciones, entre otros asuntos.

Exoneraciones de pagos en Registros y Notarías para las Viviendas

Exoneraciones de pagos en Registros y Notarías para las Viviendas:
En fecha 10 de agosto del año 2007; según oficio Nº.-02307-337; la Dirección General de Registros y Notarías del Ministerio del Poder Popular de Interior y Justicia; instruyó a las Notarías y Registros para que den cumplimiento a las exenciones previstas en el artículo Nº 220, de la Ley de Regimen Prestacional de Vivienda y Habitat. Adicionalmente en ese articulado se establece la obligatoriedad de protocolizar esos documentos en un plazo NO MAYOR de CINCO (5) días hábiles a partir de la presentación.

AGUA para consumo; tecnología de punta S. XXI

DESALINIZACION POR OSMOSIS INVERSA (OI)APROVECHANDO LA HIDRO-ENERGIA PARA LA COGENERACION
Masahiro Murakami
Nippon Koei Co., Ltd. Consulting Engineers
2-5 Koojimachi Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo, Japón
Katsumi Musiake
Institute of Industrial Science, University of Tokyo 22-1,
Roppongi 7-chome, Minato-ku, Tokyo, Japón
RESUMEN
Se presenta una nueva aplicación de co-generación con hidroenergía para desalinización por osmosis inversa (OI), y se examina la factibilidad técnica del sistema de desalinización del proyecto de abastecimiento de agua potable Agaba-Disi en Jordania, así como el esquema de conducción del mar Mediterráneo mar Muerto en Israel/Jordania. La reducción en los costos de operación y de energía podrán compensar las limitantes de la tecnología de desalinización. El costo unitario de la desalinización por ósmosis inversa que aprovecha la hidroenergía se estimó en forma preliminar en US dólares 0.4 por m3 para agua subterránea salobre, de US dólares 0.9/m3 para agua de mar.
INTRODUCCION
La mayoría de los países en el medio oriente presentan deficits de agua. En ellos se consume cada gota de agua disponible en los ríos y acuíferos subterráneos y rápidamente están agotando el agua subterránea que únicamente se puede usar una sola vez. Israel agotó prácticamente sus fuentes renovables de agua dulce en la década de los años ochenta. Jordania, su país vecino, y muchos otros países árabes, pronto verán agotadas sus propias fuentes renovables si los patrones actuales de consumo de agua no se revisan pronto y en forma radical. El desarrollo no convencional de los recursos hidráulicos y de la energía, incluyendo la desalinización de agua de mar y salobre por métodos de co-generación, será punto clave en la planeación de los recursos hidráulicos en países áridos y semi áridos para el siglo XXI. El uso de la potencia hidráulica y solar para desalinización por osmosis inversa, que es un nuevo tipo de cogeneración y que se propone en este trabajo, será seguramente el desarrollo tecnológico clave en esa región para alcanzar los objetivos estratégicos, los cuales están enfocados a valuar los energéticos fósiles y el medio ambiente. En esta ponencia se examinan dos estudios de caso: “desalinización de agua salobre subterránea por ósmosis inversa, aprovechando la hidro-energía en el proyecto de abastecimiento de agua potable Aqaba-Disi en Jordania” y “desalinización de agua de mar por ósmosis inversa del esquema de conducción de agua del mar Mediterráneo al mar Muerto (MDS).
PROYECTO DE ABASTECIMIENTO DE AGUA POTABLE EN AQABA
Aqaba está situada en la parte superior del golfo de Aqaba del mar Rojo y en el extremo sur de Wadi Araba (Fig. 1). Aqaba es un importante centro comercial de Jordania, en expansión y experimenta un acelerado desarrollo industrial a lo largo de la línea costera. Debido al clima hiperárido del sur de Jordania, el abastecimiento de agua ha sido una de las mayores limitaciones al desarrollo regional de Aqaba. El campo de pozos de Disi, que se localiza a 50 km al noreste de Aqaba, a una elevación de 840m, fue seleccionado como la fuente del sistema de abastecimiento de agua. Disi es un acuífero no renovable (fósil), aunque con baja salinidad en un rango entre 300 y 400 ppm de sólidos totales disueltos. De modelos de similación, se ha estimado que el acuífero permite una extracción máxima de 17 X 106m3 a 19 X 106m3 por año en por lo menos 50 años (NRA:1986). La línea troncal de acero dáctil de 800-450 mm de diámetro y 92 km de longitud conduce el agua de Disi a Aqaba, y más al sur hasta la fábrica de fertilizantes cerca de la frontera con Arabia Saudita. La presión se rompe en tres sitios a lo largo de la tubería para limitar la presión a un máximo de 25 km/cm2, como se muestra en el perfil de la línea principal de la Figura 1 Esquema de abasto de agua Aqaba-Disi para cogeneración
ESQUEMA DE DESALINIZACION POR OSMOSIS INVERSA DISI-AQABA APLICANDO LA HIDRO-ENERGIALa desalinización por ósmosis inversa aprovechando la hidroenergía es una aplicación no convencional de sistemas de cogeneración en la que se incluye el agua subterránea con una unidad de desalinización por ósmosis inversa. Las primeras investigaciones sobre desalinización por OI de aguas salobres subterráneas en Jordania consideran los siguientes objetivos:
A.-Desarrollo de energía potencial en tuberías de conducción de agua (línea principal) que considera 5.2 MW de potencia hidráulica teórica para una carga total de 840 m, no solo para la potencia hidráulica sino por la desalinazación por ósmosis inversa (OI).
B.-Conservación de agua dulce subterránea no renovable del acuífero Disi para reemplazarla por agua salobre subterránea de la formación de areniscas de Khreim, y/o Kurnub.
C.-Desarrollo de potencia hidráulica usando una diferencia de carga de 400 m en la línea principal.
D.-Desalinización de agua salobre subterránea por ósmosis inversa usando hidroenergía con una diferencia de carga de 200 m en la línea principal.

El agua salobre del subsuelo con salinidad de cerca de 400 ppm/TDS se extraerá de los campos de pozos de las formaciones Khreim y/o Kurnub cerca de Disi, en donde el potencial estimado en forma preliminar es de 1 m3/seg el cual se sustituirá con el agua fósil del acuífero Disi. El gasto promedio de la línea principal es de 17.5 X 106/año (0.555 m3/seg) lo que equivale a una capacidad de diseño de 0.663 m3/seg con una unidad operando 21 horas al día. El agua salobre escurre de los almacenamientos colectores (E.L=840 m) a las plantas desalinizadoras en el almacenamiento terminal (E.L=220 m), a través de los sistemas de tuberías existentes, pasando por las estaciones de potencia hidráulica, la primera a una elevación de 630 m y la segunda a 410 m. La capacidad instalada y la potencia de salida anual de las dos estaciones se estiman en 2078 kw y 15900 mwh por año, respectivamente. Las siguientes ecuaciones se utilizan suponiendo un 5% de pérdidas de carga por fricción, 0.80 de eficiencia sintetizada y 0.873 de eficiencia de generación:
Pth= 9.8*Q*He (1)
P= Pth*Ef (2)
WP= 365*24*Gf*P (3)
en donde;
Pth = Potencia hidráulica (KW)
Q = Gasto (m3/seg)
He = Diferencia de carga efectiva (m)
P = Capacidad instalada (KW)
Ef = Eficiencia sintética (-)
WP = Generación potencial anual (KWh)
Gf = Eficiencia de generación
El sistema de ósmosis inversa con hidro-energía está compuesto por 3 partes: 1a unidad de pre-tratamiento; 2a, unidad tubería de presión; y 3a unidad de OI. La unidad de pre-tratamiento se localiza junto a la salida de la segunda estación de mini hidroenergía (E.L=410 m), incluyendo filtros dobles (hidroantrácita y arenas finas) y una serie de filtros (de 5 microoms de tamaño). Despues de pasar por los filtros, el flujo de agua se conecta a una tubería de presión (línea principal entre 400 m y 220 m) para diseños de presión hidráulica de 18 Kg/cm2, la cual es usada directamente para transferir la presión de ósmosis necesaria para permear la membrana OI. El corazón de la unidad de OI es una membrana de baja presión, tipo espiral de 8 mm de diámetro, con las siguientes especificaciones: I) coeficiente de rechazo de sal del 99.4%, II) presión de operación de diseño de 18kg/cm2, III) valor de permeabilidad de diseño de 13 m3 por día, y IV) máxima temperatura de agua de operación de 40oC, y PH del agua de alimentación entre 6.0 y 6.5. Una unidad en serie de OI consiste en un circuito en serie de seis módulos. Se estima una recuperación del 60% del agua de alimentación, considerando 28800 m3/día de permeabilidad con una salinidad de 100 ppm de sólidos totales disueltos (STD) y 19,200 m3/día de rechazo de agua de 10,00 ppm de STD. La presión efectiva del agua retenida se estima en 15 kg/cm2, considerando pérdidas por frición de 3 k/cm2 en el circuito de OI. La recuperación de la energía potencial de la OI se estima en forma preliminar en 460 KW (=9.8*0.4*15*9.8*0.8) que equivale a generar electricidad de 2740 MWh por año, considerando una eficiencia de generación del 68%. El costo unitario de la permebilidad se estimó en US dólares 0.4/m3.
CANAL DE COMUNICACION DEL MAR MEDITERRANEO AL MAR MUERTO
El esquema del canal de comunicación del mar Mediterráneo al mar Muerto (MDS), conocido también como desarrollo de potencia hidrosolar, fue posible por la existencia de una vasta depresión (una porción de superficie de mar de 1000 km2 con una elevación de 400 m) a una distancia cercana al mar (72 km) y al clima árido característico de la región (con un alto grado de evaporación de 1600 mm por año al nivel del mar). El proyecto de hidroenergía MDS, como fue nombrado en 1980, se diseñó para aprovechar la diferencia de elevaciones entre el mar Mediterráneo (cero metros) y el mar Muerto (-402 m), comunicando a los dos mares.
DESARROLLO HIDRO-SOLAR CON DESALINIZACION POR OSMOSIS INVERSA APROVECHANDO LA HIDRO-ENERGIA
El plan del canal mar Mediterráneo-mar Muerto (MDS) de Israel se concibió para generar potencia hidroeléctrica (WPDC, 1980), pero no consideró el concepto de recursos compartidos, ni busca solución a la urgente necesidad de abastecer de agua potable. El esquema conjunto Israel/Jordania de conducción del mar Mediterráneo al mar Muerto, es una aplicación de co-generación que combina desarrollo hidrosolar con desalinización de agua de mar por ósmosis inversa (OI), aprovechando la hidro-energía (Fig. 2). El esquema, que podría mantenerse en un nivel estable con algunas fluctuaciones estacionarias de cerca de 2 metros, para mantener el nivel del mar entre los -402 y -390 m por debajo del nivel medio del mar, considera los siguientes aspectos:
1) Un almacenamiento aguas arriba (el Mediterráneo) con nivel de cero metros, y cantidad de agua ilimitada.
2) Un canal de transporte, considerando varios esquemas alternativos, dependiendo de la ruta elegida, pudiendo incluir un canal por gravedad, un túnel con planta de bombeo o un canal abierto por gravedad.
3) Un almacenamiento superior con válvula para protección contra el oleaje en la salida del canal de transporte y para regular el flujo de agua.
4) Un almacenamiento hidroeléctrico de operación inversa que permite al sitema trabajar también como planta de bombeo, cuando se requiera.
en la Figura 2 se observa el Esquema de conducción Mediterráneo - Mar Muerto de cogeneración
5) Un almacenamiento aguas abajo del mar Muerto, con una elevación de aproximadamente 402 m por debajo del nivel del mar.
6) Una planta desalinizadora por ósmosis inversa (OI) con hidro-energía, incluyendo planta de pre-tratamiento, unidad reductora de presión, unidad de OI, unidad de recuperación de energía, unidad de pos-tratamiento y almacenamientos reguladores para distribución.
La potencia hidráulica teórica, la capacidad instalada de potencia pico y la la generación potencial (potencia útil anual) se estimó en forma preliminar en 194 MW, 480 MW y 1.26x109 KWh por año, respectivamente, considerando 8 horas por día de operación de potencia pico, 1.03 de peso específico del agua en la obra de toma, gasto de 50.7 a 152.1 m3/seg, 5% de pérdida por fricción en la carga total, 0.85 de eficiencia sintética. La operación marginal del sistema por OI se diseñó para utilizar energía hidráulica en el sistema túnel-tubería (400m de carga diferencial) durante 16 horas al día de tiempo pico. Los requerimientos de agua para producir de 86,400 a 259,000 m3, por día de penetración con 1000 ppm de STD, se estimaron de 288,000 a 864,000 m3, considerando una proporción de recuperación del 30% (70% de rechazo de agua salada). La recuperción de energía por el rechazo de agua salada se estimó de 9,460 a 28,390 KW, considerando el 70% del agua rechazada. La energía recuperada (electricidad) puede producir 12 Kg/cm2 de presión, la cual será retornada a la unidad de control de presión para generar 50 Kg/cm2 de presión suficiente para permear agua de mar a través de la membrana de OI. El costo unitario de la permeabilidad se estimó en US dólares 0.9 por m3.
CONCLUSIONES
Los estudios sobre desalinización por ósmosis inversa aprovechando la hidro-energía, considerando las aplicaciones en Jordania (agua subterránea salobre) e Israel (agua de mar) mostraron una reducción sustancial en costos de operación y de energía, aspectos que han sido una de las mayores limitaciones a las prácticas de desalinización. La desalinización de agua salada por procesos de membrana con bajos requerimientos de energía, jugarán un papel importante en la planeación de los recursos hidráulicos en la siguiente década. El desarrollo conjunto Israel/Jordania del esquema de conducción mar Mediteraneo-mar Muerto se basa en el concepto de recursos compartidos y beneficios para los Estados vecinos del sistema de ríos de Jordania. El presente estudio pretende evaluar algunos enfoques no convencionales de los recursos hidráulicos que deben tomarse en cuenta para construir una nueva paz en el medio oriente. Estos nuevos enfoques ofrecen la oportunidad de introducir recientes aplicaciones de la tecnología probada para resover problemas añejos del agua y que son fuente de muchos de los conflictos.
REFERENCIAS
NRA-Howard Humphereys Ltd., “Groundwater Resources Study in the Shidiya Area”, Main Report, 1986, pp.49-112.
WPDC, INTERNATIONAL NEWS “Israel Decides on Canal Route”, Water Power & Dam Costruction, October 1980, p.4.
http://www.unesco.org.uy/phi/libros/uso_eficiente/murakami.html
http://www.unesco.org.uy/phi/libros/uso_eficiente/indice.html#masa

Políticas de Estado para promover el desarrollo de Colombia

Políticas de Estado para promover el desarrollo de Colombia
R. Nicholas Burns, Under Secretary for Political Affairs
Remarks to the Council of the Americas
New York City
October 22, 2007
I would like to thank
the Council of the Americas for hosting this event and inviting me here to
speak with you about our vision for the future of Latin America and in
particular about Colombia’s place in that vision. In many respects, the
significant progress that has taken place in Colombia in recent years is a
reflection of positive trends elsewhere in the region. Indeed, in reflecting on
trends in the hemisphere – and in Colombia in particular – I see
considerable reason for optimism, an optimism I hope to share with you this
evening. The American view of the future of Latin America -- a vision we share with
nearly all of our hemispheric neighbors -- is elegant in its simplicity.
Indeed, it can be expressed in three points:
First, we seek the further
consolidation of democracy and democratic institutions. On this point, our
hemispheric neighbors have much to be proud of: only one of 35 countries in the
hemisphere has failed to achieve the democratic aspirations of its people, with
Cuba still stymied by a spent dictatorship.
Second, we seek a Latin America that embraces free markets, free trade andeconomic integration. In embracing these goals, we understand they are not endsin themselves, but rather a means – the only time-tested means – to
ensure the steady economic growth necessary to lift millions of Latin Americans
out of poverty, which surely is the single greatest challenge facing the
hemisphere.
And third, we seek a Latin America that defends and promotes the dignity of allits inhabitants, a region in which human rights are fully respected, the
excluded are embraced, and in which age-old inequalities are at last
vanquished. In short, an Americas where social justice is a paramount goal of
all of us.We have no secret strategy in pursuing this vision. We will work with any democratic government that is willing to put differences aside to meet shared objectives. We impose no ideological litmus test on potential partners in the
region, and do not fear political differences. We have forged productive
relationships with governments from across the political spectrum, from the
Lula administration in Brazil and the Bachelet administration in Chile to the
Calderon and Uribe administrations in Mexico and Colombia. Frankly, there is a
great deal in common among these governments: all are committed to democracy
and the rule of law, and all are seeking pragmatic solutions to age-old
problems, to bring the benefits of prosperity to their people. I count as one
of our great achievements that our country is now able to enjoy good relations
with center-left, center, and center-right Latin American governments.
To take the case of Brazil, while Presidents Bush and Lula may have
philosophical differences, their shared commitment to progress has forged a
formidable personal and diplomatic partnership on issues ranging from energy to
the UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti to development cooperation in Africa.
Indeed, I believe my friends in Itamaraty would agree that our partnership with
Brazil is broader and more productive today than ever before, and that we are
better able to address our occasional differences in the spirit of cooperation.
Our most ambitious initiative with Brazil, and the cornerstone of our new
strategic partnership, is a joint venture to work on the development of
biofuels as an alternative energy source. I’ve been to Brazil twice this
year to work on this initiative. With our two countries accounting for
two-thirds of global biofuel production and leading the world in biofuels
research, we form an ideal team to make biofuels a viable, 21st century
alternative to fossil fuels. Central to this initiative is our plan to engage
other regional partners, including the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Haiti
and St. Kitts, to ensure that the economic benefits of this initiative are
enjoyed broadly in the hemisphere. Our growing strategic partnership with Brazil is but one example of our continued engagement with the region at the very highest levels and on many different fronts. Surely no area of engagement is of greater significance than
our Security Cooperation Initiative for Mexico and Central America, announced
just today in Washington. This initiative reflects the understanding that
drug-trafficking, organized crime and endemic violence reflect perhaps the
single greatest obstacle to progress in Mexico and the Central American
republics, and that trans-border crime is a shared problem that requires a
joint response. It also reflects the fact that in President Felipe Calderon, we
have a partner who has the commitment and courage to confront this problem
head-on. The initiative envisions funding of $1.4 billion over several years. Today,
President Bush submitted to Congress a supplemental budget request for $550
million to be allocated to this purpose, $500 million of it for Mexico. The
overall plan, called the Merida Initiative on Regional Security Cooperation, is
comprehensive, combining equipment, training, and technical support, and is
focused on Counter-narcotics, Counterterrorism, and Border Security; Public
Security and Law Enforcement; and Institution Building and the Rule of Law. We
believe the moment is right to tackle the region’s serious security
challenges in a comprehensive, trans-national way and are confident that our
carefully balanced package will yield results.
Having described for you our vision for Latin America and several key
initiatives in pursuit of this vision, I would like to turn specifically to
Colombia, to talk about the remarkable transformation it has undergone over the
past decade, and what we must do to help ensure its continued progress.
In my view, the case for continued U.S. support of Colombia could not be more
self-evident. As a key U.S. ally in the region, a stable Colombia is absolutely
essential to the security of our hemisphere. To that end, over many years and
with bipartisan support, the United States has made a substantial investment in
Colombia’s successful struggle against narco-terrorism, bilaterally, as
well as multilaterally through the Organization of American States. This
investment has begun to bear fruit, and there are important signs that Colombia
has turned a corner in its effort to bring security, prosperity, and justice to
its citizens. We now have a unique, even historic opportunity, to make a
strategic commitment that will allow Colombia to build upon recent progress and
finally emerge from a ruinous conflict. It is an opportunity we must not allow
to pass. Those of you who follow Colombia would surely agree that this is the most
promising moment we have seen there in decades. In fact, a traveler to Bogota
or Cali or Medellin who had not visited in a decade would not recognize the
Colombia of today. Today, security is dramatically improved. Homicides have
dropped 40 percent, kidnappings by 76 percent, and terrorist attacks by 61
percent. The economy is rebounding, and people’s lives are improving. Economic
growth reached 6.8 percent in 2006 – the highest in eight years.
Unemployment fell from 15 percent at the beginning of Plan Colombia to 11
percent in 2006. Poverty levels decreased by nearly 20 percent over the same
period. These statistics aren’t just impressive numbers – they
represent real changes in the lives of millions of Colombians.
It is important to understand the historic challenge that Colombia has
courageously and successfully confronted to produce this kind of change. Many
drug cartels have been dismantled. Colombia has extradited more than 600
criminals – mostly drug traffickers – to the United States. Since
2001, cocaine production has fallen by a third, and seizures of cocaine bound
for the United States have more than doubled. Huge swaths of land have been
reclaimed from terrorist organizations, which are now on the run. Colombia has
demobilized over 31,000 paramilitary members and is doing what no other country
has attempted during a peace process: holding irregular forces accountable for
their crimes. Mayors have returned to their towns. Roads are open. Displaced
farmers are returning. Colombia has laid the foundation for bringing government
services to newly secured areas, and investment in alternative development and
social services has grown. For perhaps the first time, the central government
is making a concerted effort to bring public services to long-marginalized
Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities, and to integrate them into the
national fabric. There is no question that many problems remain. The U.S. has reminded Colombia that it must improve its human rights record. Colombia has committed itself to ending impunity. With the historic transformation of its criminal justice
system, many cases proceed from arrest to verdict in months instead of years.
Conviction rates have increased from under 3 percent to over 60 percent. Still,
there is room for further improvement.
The picture of Colombia today is one where people have real hope for their
future – for the first time in decades. This change is largely a product
of heroic efforts by Uribe and the Colombian people and what has been a
bipartisan policy of U.S. assistance through Plan Colombia. President Uribe has
manifested unusual courage in making the tough decisions necessary to bring his
country back from the brink.
Today the U.S. finds itself at a crucial crossroads in our relations with
Colombia. Colombia has come a long way since Plan Colombia began, although
there is still a ways to go. Although significant challenges remain, we must
not lose sight of what is clear: the Colombian government and people are making
progress toward peace, justice, and prosperity. While some of its neighbors
have embraced false populism and authoritarian leaders, Colombia has embraced
democratic governance and open markets. Colombia has made a strategic choice
for a better future for its people, and needs our support in doing so. It is
time for us to make the strategic choice to stand beside Colombia and its
people. The pending Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with Colombia is surely one of the most important means by which we can support Colombia in its success and encourage yet further progress. Over the last decade, our leaders – first President
Clinton and now President Bush -- have made a commitment to the hemisphere.
Now, with the three pending FTAs – with Peru, Colombia, and Panama &
ndash; that commitment is being advanced further; indeed, these agreements
would write that commitment into law. While our bilateral assistance has been
instrumental in Colombia’s hard-won security gains, the Free Trade
Agreement is essential for creating new economic opportunities that will
address lingering poverty and provide vital alternatives to drugs and violence.
The agreement will bring increased economic opportunity to the people of
Colombia through sustained economic growth, new employment opportunities,
increased investment, and by consolidating anti-corruption reforms and drawing
millions into the formal economy. We estimate it will bring an estimated
270,000 Colombians legitimate jobs, weakening the draw of the illicit economic
sector. Provisions in the agreement will reinforce democracy by fighting
corruption, increasing transparency, and fostering accountability and rule of
law. Through these changes, the Free Trade Agreement will treat the causes --
not just the symptoms -- of the social ills that provide fertile ground to
narcotraffickers and insurgent groups.
Of course, the economic benefits of this agreement flow as much to Americans as
to Colombians. U.S. businesses, farmers, and workers will see an estimated $1.1
billion increase in exports to Colombia, according to a December 2006 report by
the International Trade Commission. Once the Free Trade Agreement is
implemented, more than 80 percent of U.S. industrial and consumer exports will
gain immediate duty-free access to Colombia. American agricultural products
will also enjoy significant new duty-free access. As an example: the average
tariff barrier in Colombia is 11.3 percent, while the U.S. average is 0.1
percent. By bringing Colombia’s tariffs to zero through the Free Trade
Agreement, American agricultural producers will benefit from a new duty-free
market for their products.
We are not the only country to recognize the importance of Colombia as a
trading partner. Canada and Colombia just held a second round of negotiations
on a Free Trade Agreement, and hope to conclude an agreement by the end of this
year. The EU has initiated trade negotiations with the Andean community.
Meanwhile, China’s economic influence in the region continues to grow:
while U.S. exports to Colombia rose 13 percent between 2005 and 2006, Chinese
exports climbed by 34 percent. We stand only to lose by remaining on the
sidelines, while our competitors around the world hasten to explore Colombia&
rsquo;s emerging market. I have spoken about the direct economic benefits that would flow both to Colombia and the United States under the Free Trade Agreement. However, this agreement is about more than dollars or pesos, it is about achieving the vision I spoke of earlier of a more secure, prosperous and just hemisphere. Just as
Colombia appears poised to put decades of conflict behind it, the fate of the
FTA stands as a vote of confidence in Colombia’s future.
Our entry into this long-term partnership with Colombia will reinforce Colombia
’s commitment to pro-market policies. It will bolster the country’s
democratic institutions by ensuring transparency and respect for workers
rights, promoting strong labor and environmental standards, and giving us an
important mechanism to monitor compliance so we can work with Colombia to
ensure continued progress in these important areas. Most importantly, approving
the Free Trade Agreement demonstrates America’s enduring commitment to
Latin America. On the other hand, rejecting this agreement -- just as Colombia shows signs of emerging from its nightmare past -- would undercut its successes and send
precisely the wrong signal to the region. Turning our back on our most loyal
ally on the continent would cause countries around the world to question our
commitment to the region, and our willingness to go the distance with our
friends. The FTA’s defeat would be a huge victory for those -- like Hugo
Chavez -- who promote an authoritative, populist, highly personalized model of
government, drawing upon the failed economic policies of decades past. Others
in the region and around the world would see the FTA’s defeat not as a
sign of our desire to see yet further progress in Colombia, but rather as an
unwillingness to commit fully to the region.
I understand that some have reservations about the Free Trade Agreement because
of concerns over labor and human rights in Colombia. We appreciate those
concerns -- and we will continue to address them directly with the Government
of Colombia at every opportunity -- but walking away from this agreement will
not resolve these issues. Moreover, it is important to keep these problems in
perspective. While significant problems certainly remain, Colombia has come a
long way in addressing them and is striving to continue to improve its
performance. To cite but one key area of concern, homicides of trade unionists have shown a steep decline. Working with the International Labor Organization, Colombia has created a $1.5 million labor sub-unit to investigate priority cases of violence
against trade unionists. And this unit is showing results. Cases are being
resolved, and guilty parties are going to jail. Additionally, the government of
Colombia is offering protection to vulnerable citizens, especially trade
unionists. In fact, over a third ($9.6 million) of the Ministry of Interior and
Justice’s $34 million protection program goes to protect more than 1,300
trade unionists. For many years our Congress has, with very large bipartisan majorities,
approved unilateral, one-way access for Colombian goods into the United States
under the Andean Trade Preference Act, even when levels of violence against
trade unionists were considerably higher than they are today. Rather than
condemning as insufficient the considerable progress already made by the
Colombian people, we should help them consolidate that progress through
expanded trade. While there remain challenges that Colombia must address -- and while we will remain fully engaged in efforts to address them -- the United States must not
retreat. We must push forward, side-by-side with Colombia. As Secretary
Condoleezza Rice said, “how can we afford not to honor our agreement with
Colombia?” As Secretary Rice noted, failure to approve the agreement
would be, “a retreat from our responsibility of leadership and a
renunciation of our influence in the Americas.”
Thank you very much.
Released on October 23, 2007

Globalización como política mundial

Video para iniciar Protocolos para la Globalización:
Con la publicación de este video; queremos compartir con nuestros usuarios, la necesaria discusión y elaboración que deberemos construir en el presente siglo y venideros para llevar adelante la necesaria GLOBALIZACION que las realidades económicas y demográficas nos plantean como reto a superar por los homo sapiens.

OAS-OEA & CONDI RICE & others issues

Remarks at the Organization of American States, Hosted by the Council on
Foreign Relations.-Secretary Condoleezza Rice Washington, DC October 9, 2007 (OAS-OEA)
SECRETARY RICE: Thank you very much. Thank you, Carla -- Ambassador Hills, a
long-time friend that very kind introduction. I would like to thank also Secretary General Insulza for welcoming us here to the Organization of American States and you have given fantastic Remarks at the Organization of American States, Hosted by the Council on Foreign Relations leadership to
this organization, and indeed to the hemisphere. Thank you for that. I would also like to thank the Council on Foreign Relations for hosting this event and for inviting me here to speak with you. I have to say I've never seen the Council’s Washington offices; this despite that fact that I been a
member of the Council for many, many years. But it is because the Council takes the opportunity to go to wonderful places like this to engage. And it's a great thing that we're in this wonderful hall.
I'd like to thank the members of the diplomatic corps for being here and
honored guests, ladies and gentlemen. I'm here today to speak about the trade
agreements that we have concluded with Peru, Colombia, and Panama. These are
agreements on which our Congress will soon vote. The agreements are important
for our economy – but they are also important for the impact that they
will have on our national interests, our national interest in this hemisphere,
our ability to pursue them effectively, and our capacity to positively
influence events in this region. What is at stake is the success of what I will call today our Pan-American Community -- the vision of a hemisphere of independent nations, living in liberty and prosperity and peace, which U.S. leaders of both parties have nurtured since the founding of our republic. So to understand the true value ofthese trade agreements, we need to step back for a moment and look broadly at
our hemisphere. We in the United States have always thought of ourselves as one part of a larger Pan-American Community. Here, in the seat of our hemispheric unity, the
statue of our own George Washington stands proudly beside those of fellow
liberators of the Americas -- Juarez, Marti, Bolivar and many others. The
United States has always believed that our success is linked to the success of
our neighbors, and at our best we have supported Latin American independence,
the Good Neighbor Policy, the Alliance for Progress and we have worked to build
a thriving Pan-American Community. In 2001, this hemisphere was close to completing an historic transition to free societies, free markets and democracy. One of President Bush first actions was to support a regional effort to formalize this new consensus in the Inter-American Democratic Charter -- signed by every nation in the region but one, and stating that democracy is essential for the social, political,
and economic development of the people of the Americas.
Since then, this consensus has been reaffirmed, again and again, by citizens
across the region, whose elected leaders are governing democratically, trading
freely, opening markets, fighting poverty, and expanding opportunity for all
their people. The exceptions to this rule may be noisy, but they are heading in
the opposite direction of the hemisphere as a whole.
What is clear is that democracy is the most significant driver of change in our
region today. Millions of people once on the margins of their societies -- the
poor and the disadvantaged, indigenous peoples and Afro-Latinos -- have now
become active citizens. And they have launched, what President Bush has called,
a revolution in expectations -- for good jobs and opportunity,
for personal security and social justice. Because of democracy, our neighbors are rethinking their national priorities, redefining their national interests, and pursuing them pragmatically.
Our hemisphere is growing more competitive in every way, and we should be mindful
that our neighbors are not waiting around for us. How will democracy deliver economic and social development to all – especially to the 209 million men, women, and children among us who still live in poverty? That is the defining challenge for our region today a debate not over ideology but a debate over interests.
Democracies from left to right are now giving their free market reforms of the last decade a new focus on social justice, a focus that frankly that once lacked. They are broadening the so-called Washington Consensus into a new and truly Pan-American Consensus.
In a way, the situation in our region today recalls that of Western Europe in
the last century, a time when old ideological conflicts had given way to
growing agreement in support of political and economic liberty, a time when
democracies were struggling to fight poverty and create lasting development.
And most importantly, a time when we in the United States expanded our
security, diplomatic, and development assistance, opened our markets and made a
strategic, bipartisan, and sustained commitment to the success of our allies.
Today, we are making a similar strategic commitment in our hemisphere, to the
success of our Pan-American Community. This commitment was begun in the last
decade by leaders of both parties. Now it is being advanced further.
We are deepening our historic alliance of peoples in the hemisphere -- the ties
between our civil society and our businesses, our universities and our
faith-based groups. That was the goal of the recent White House Conference on
the Americas. At the same time, we remain deeply engaged diplomatically. President Bush has now made more trips in the hemisphere than any U.S. president ever -- most
recently in March, when he said that helping democracies in Latin America to
deliver social justice to their people is in the U.S. national interest. So we
are working pragmatically and supporting the success of all responsible
democratic governments, from the left to the right. The United States charges
no ideological price for our partnership.
To strengthen our Pan-American Community, we are transforming our relations
with major regional powers -- with Brazil and Mexico and Chile and Colombia. We
are identifying common purposes that invest these democracies as leaders and
stakeholders in our region, and in the broader international system. At the
same time, we are renewing our relations with our Caribbean friends, and
working with the international community to restore stability and hope in
Haiti. To protect our Pan-American Community, we are defining a new regional security
agenda -- one that is rooted in multilateral cooperation among the democracies,
and focused on combating global and transnational threats to our hemisphere:
like criminal gangs and terrorism, natural disaster and disease.
To complete our Pan-American Community, we are helping the Cuban people to
prepare for a democratic transition. Here in this building is the table used by
the representatives of the Pan-American Union when this building was dedicated
in 1910. One of the original chairs at that table is marked “Cuba.”
But today, when the democracies of the OAS meet, right downstairs, Cuba has no
chair at the table.
The proud people of Cuba deserve liberty and opportunity,
and they deserve the right to reclaim their place among the free nations of our
hemisphere. Finally, to expand the promise of our Pan-American Community to all, we are helping our fellow democracies to create opportunity and social justice for
their people -- for as President Kennedy once said, unless all the men and
women of the Americas “share in increasing prosperity, then our alliance,
our revolution, our dream, and our freedom will fail.
Debt relief is one way that we can help to expand opportunity. So we have led
global efforts to forgive more than $17 billion of debt to our poorest
neighbors in the region. Foreign assistance can also help. So with President
Bush leadership, and with the bipartisan support of the Congress, the
United States has doubled foreign assistance to our hemisphere. At the same
time, through our Millennium Challenge Corporation, we are using our assistance
as an incentive for governments to build democratic institutions that fight
poverty and corruption, invest in their people and create sustainable
development.
Ultimately, though, only one force is strong enough to lift people out of
poverty, to reduce economic inequality, and to break down social exclusion in
the Americas, and that is sustained economic growth, fueled by fair and free
trade. Our neighbors realize that the paradigm of development has changed --
that development in the region cannot come solely from within, that it must
come from competing successfully in global markets, and using democratic
institutions to expand opportunity to the poor and to the vulnerable.
Since taking office, President Bush has made the expansion of trade a top
priority. Building on the foundation that Presidents Bush and Clinton laid with
NAFTA, we have concluded trade agreements with ten additional countries, most
recently with Peru, Colombia, and Panama. We now have the potential to create
an unbroken chain of trading partners from Tierra del Fuego to the Arctic
Circle -- a community that now includes Costa Rica, whose people voted just two
days ago to approve CAFTA. Our neighbors want to trade freely with us, and this
should focus our Congress on its responsibility to fulfill our promises to
Peru, to Colombia, and to Panama.
These trade agreements will benefit U.S. workers and businesses, enabling them
to compete on a level playing field in new markets, to create jobs and
opportunity in our nation, and to address the wealth of all in our economy. As
the President said recently, all three of these pacts embody the values
of open markets: transparent and fair regulation, respect for private property
and resolving disputes under international law. These agreements also contain the strongest labor and environmental obligations of any agreement -- trade agreement anywhere in the world. And those obligations are subject to the same dispute settlement procedures, remedies, and sanctions that apply to other agreement provisions.
Now, I know that for many U.S. workers competing in the global economy is
bringing some dislocation and some insecurity -- a fear that the jobs, and
savings and health care that they have today may not be there for them
tomorrow. I know that many feel that globalization may not be a rising tide
that lifts all boats. The responsibility to strengthen our nations
workers extends to our nations diplomacy, and I personally take that
duty very seriously. So our diplomats are using every article of law and every
tool of persuasion to protect and promote the interests of U.S. workers in the
global economy. We in the United States must also continue to invest in our people. Just last week, I saw one of those long-term investments when I had the pleasure of
joining Congressman Charlie Rangel to visit the Harriet Tubman School in New
York City in Harlem. This is a remarkable school, where underprivileged
children are discovering through education that their horizons are limitless
and it's the kind of investment that we as a nation need to make to prepare all
of our citizens to succeed in the 21st century. And together with job
retraining and education our workers do need to have a fair shake, because
after all, education is the single greatest force in the world for equality and
social inclusion and personal transformation. I know that Americans well-prepared will compete well.
And therefore, I am confident that we can pass these trade agreements, that we can move forward in a globalized economy as a confident nation in our leadership and in our ability to compete. But I would note to you that perhaps the greatest value of passing these trade agreements will be the positive impact that they will have on the prosperity and the stability of our Pan-American Community, a community whose well-being is vital to U.S. interests. Peru, Colombia, and Panama now stand on the threshold of far-reaching national success. Trade agreements with the United States would help significantly to advance our partners political, economic and social development making their democratic institutions more transparent and accountable, more effective at fighting poverty and corruption, enforcing the law, and investing
in education, health and opportunity for their people.
By enacting these trade agreements into law, our Congress would send a signal
to every citizen of these countries, to people across the hemisphere, and to
investors across the globe that Peru, Colombia, and Panama are dedicated to
democracy and economic growth, that they are institutionalizing their reforms
and that the United States is completely committed to their success.
Now, I know that some may ask about the wisdom and the timing of these agreements. Some may ask: How can we afford to pass them now? I would ask: How can we afford not to pass them now? How can we afford not to honor our agreement with Panama? A country that only
two decades ago was ruled by an international criminal and a drug runner; a
country that has now embraced democracy and is expanding its economy at more
than 8 percent a year; and a country that sits astride the strategic waterway
the Panama Canal through which two-thirds of its annual shipments head to
or from our nations shore. A trade agreement with the United States
could help Panama to transform itself once and for all into a pillar of
democratic stability and prosperity.
How can we not afford to honor our agreement with Peru? A country that just a
decade ago was torn apart by guerrilla violence and whose economy was in a
tailspin; a country now committed to moving its citizens out of poverty and
into the formal economy; and a country that, over two democratic
administrations, despite criticism at home and in the region, has resolved to
trade freely with the United States. Few things could help Peru fight poverty
more effectively than securing its trade agreement with us.
And perhaps most of all: How can we afford not to honor our agreement with
Colombia? A country that, not seven years ago -- just seven years ago was on
the verge of becoming a failed state, whose territory was a safe haven for
narco-terrorists and whose people were fleeing their homes by the thousands; a
country to which we as a nation made a strategic commitment, sustained by
presidents and Congresses of both parties, and funded now with billions of
dollars in U.S. assistance; a country that, in the past five years, has reduced
kidnappings by 76 percent, terrorist attacks by 61 percent and murders by 40
percent, and that has now expanded the sovereign writ of this democratic state
and restored the hope of its people.
We recognize that this progress stands in contrast to the dark deeds in
Colombia past, especially the murder of labor leaders and other
innocent people. Crimes like these are of deep concern to us. And President
Uribe has committed his government to bringing those responsible to justice, to
protecting the lives and liberties of all its citizens, and to showing that
there will be no impunity for any crime -- past, present or future.
Despite its ongoing struggles, Colombia is on a trajectory of positive change
politically, economically and socially. Indeed, Colombia
transformation in less than a decade from failing state to thriving democracy
is one of the greatest victories for the cause of human rights in our world
today. Passing these trade agreements is not a narrow partisan interest; it is of
vital national interest. And members of both political parties understand this.
They also understand that these agreements are an indivisible package. In the
words of 43 prominent Democrats -- former ambassadors, cabinet officials,
policy experts, and members of Congress, they said, rejecting
these agreements would set back regional U.S. interests for a generation. So we need to be absolutely clear about the consequences of failure.
What signal would failure send to our democratic partners in the Americas?
We can answer that question in one word: Retreat. It would be a retreat from
our responsibility of leadership and a renunciation of our influence in the
Americas. It would be a retreat from three democratic leaders, who embody the
aspirations of their citizens for social justice, economic growth, and trade
with the United States. And it would be a retreat from our historic, bipartisan
effort to build a successful Pan-American Community -- united in peace,
prosperity, and freedom. Peru, Colombia, and Panama are among our best partners in the region. Their governments have put themselves on the line and made strategic commitments to
us through these trade agreements. All three of their national legislatures
have passed these agreements by wide margins and they now expect the United
States to hold up its end of the bargain. Failing to conclude these agreements would be a great blow to these three countries from which one cannot assume that there would be easy recovery. It
would send a signal loud and clear across the region that the United States can
somehow not be trusted to keep its promises. After all, if we are unwilling to
support the success of Colombia, a nation to which we have committed billions
of dollars in assistance over many years, others would have the right to ask
what chance is there that we would support them.
We must also ask ourselves: What signal would failure send to the enemies of
democracy in our hemisphere? There are some in the region today who want to shove toward a future of authoritarian politics and state-run economies.
In truth, this is a
backward-looking agenda with a long history of deepening poverty and misery.
The real revolution in the Americas today is being led by responsible
democratic leaders, like Bachelet and Lula, Vazquez and Uribe, Garcia and
Torrijos, Calderon and Saca. Their democratic governments, and many others, from left to right, are
deepening the Pan-American consensus on creating opportunity for all through
free markets, economic growth and democracy. This is the real story of recent
years: Not the so-called Left Turn that we hear so much about.
Authoritarianism may be a competing idea with free market democracy, but it is
not an alternative vision -- because one leads to success, the other leads to
failure. Trying to alleviate poverty and inequality in the Americas through
authoritarianism is like trying to defy the laws of gravity. The only question
is how much harm this failed idea will do to our region. And in large part, the
answer lies with us -- in whether we support responsible democracies that want
more engagement, more partnership and more trade with the United States. Not
less. Finally, we must ask ourselves: What signal failure would send to nations
across the globe, to friend and foe, ally and enemy alike. In that regard, how
would failure be interpreted by a long-standing ally like Korea, which has
concluded its own free trade agreement with us? This agreement will strengthen
the U.S. economy and help our democratic ally to enhance its security and
prosperity in a rapidly changing Asia. We fully support our free trade
agreement with Korea and we look to Congress to approve it.
Ladies and gentlemen, at this time of unprecedented opportunity, we in the
United States cannot afford to turn inward, to become fearful, to dwell on the
actions of others or to give in to doubt and despair. Instead, we must remain
what Americans have always been -- optimistic and, indeed, yes, idealistic. We
must remain open to the world and actively engaged. We must prepare our people,
especially our children, with the educations and the opportunities that nourish
and nurture hope about the future. And most of all, we must be confident in our
ability to compete and to prosper -- not just as one country, but as a part of
one Pan-American Community.
Nearly 100 years ago, at the dedication of this building, my predecessor, Elihu
Root, the first secretary of state to travel to Latin America, described this
building as a true expression of Pan-Americanism a declaration of
allegiance to an ideal." and a reminder “of the perpetual assertion of
unity, of common interest, and purpose and hope among the republics.
So it was then, and so it remains today.
The founding ideal of our Pan-American Community, borne across many centuries
and carried by us still, is the hope that life in the hemisphere would signify
a break with the Old World, and a new beginning for all mankind: the promise of
liberty, and dignity, and government by law, the opportunity to reach one full potential, regardless of class or culture, race or religion, and the creation of a new system of international politics, based on mutual respect and cooperation among independent nations.
We and our neighbors in this hemisphere are now closer than ever to achieving
that ideal. And now, as before, the United States has a special responsibility
to lead the way. So let us honor our agreements with our partners -- Peru and
Colombia and Panama -- and let us show the world that the Pan-American
Community is alive and well and that it remains an abiding hope for all
mankind.
Thank you very much.
MODERATOR: Let me open the conversation with the Secretary and say you have
eloquently described how trade generates growth, respect for property,
transparency, rule of law, all elements of democracy. And yet support for trade
in this country has plummeted. Now as our chief diplomat, what steps would you
recommend that our government, and I would say people in this room, do to try
to get support for this consensus that is so vital to our national interests?
SECRETARY RICE: Yes. Well, first of all, it will take all of us, not just the
government, but the assembled friends of the United States around the
hemisphere and around the world and also our business leaders and our
university leaders and indeed, those who are concerned about economic growth
and development. We have to be one in promoting trade.
And I would make three points. The first is that we have to defend trade for
what it is: an opportunity for growth and economic prosperity for our people
and for the people with whom we trade. You know, you'll know, Carla, that at
the end of World War II, the United States was by far the dominant economic
power in the world. Europe was still devastated after the war. But we chose not
to protect; we chose an open trading system believing that if the pie got
bigger everybody could benefit. And so I think we have to defend that
principle.
Secondly, we have to make the strategic argument for trade and democracy.
Democracy is the government of choice by people around the world because -- I
don't care whether you live in the back mountains of Afghanistan or in a
village in Guatemala or in Eastern Europe. People, if they're asked: Do you
want to have a say in your future, do you want to elect those who are going to
govern you? They will say yes. And we've seen that time and time again, but then they expect from those governments a great deal. They expect that they're going to have jobs; they
expect that their children are going to be educated; they expect that there is
going to be a benefit. And when democracies don't deliver they give ground for
a kind of terrible populist authoritarianism that we see in some places. And so
there's a strategic argument: if you want democracy you want economic
development, and trade certainly helps with that.
Finally, I would say that we need to address, frankly and openly, the concerns
that are there of particularly American workers, many of whom may have skills
that are not up to par for today's economy, many of whom have children that
perhaps they feel are not being educated to the skills of the future. I'm very
concerned that the number of engineering students in the United States, the
number of engineering graduates has actually gone down slightly. I'm very
concerned that our math/science skills are not what they should be. And I do
not think that it is a fair answer to say that Americans -- well, you'll just
have to see those jobs go elsewhere. We have to train our people for jobs.
So there is plenty of an economic pie to share with open and free trade. And I
was in New York last week and I said that I thought in many ways education
might be one of our highest national security priorities because if our people
believe that they are being educated and that they can compete we will be open
to trade. If we believe that we are not going to be educated and capable to
compete we will become fearful and closed. And I think we who believe in free
trade, and believe in its value and its benefit, have to be ready and willing
to address those fears and concerns that are there too.
QUESTION: Thank you. Stephen Donahoo from Kissinger McLarty Associates, and
thank you for coming to speak to us at the Council.
Madame Secretary, President Uribe has taken some political risk in asking
Colombian Senator Piedad Cordoba and Venezuela's President Hugo Chavez to
facilitate and mediate a humanitarian exchange of prisoners and hostages
between the Government of Colombia an the FARC. How would you characterize your
support for the efforts of President Uribe, Senator Cordoba and President
Chavez to get this exchange going, which includes three U.S. hostages that have
been held by the FARC for four and a half years?
SECRETARY RICE: Well, let me make one point first, which is obviously the
release of hostages is something that we have worked for with the Uribe
government and continue to seek. And it is certainly the case that we have been
reassured and comforted by Uribe's government continued emphasis on the fact
that all hostages must be treated alike; in other words, that American hostage
are not to be treated differently than other hostages. And so I think that that
is a reassurance that we did not even have to seek; Colombia came to us in that
regard. We will work very closely with Colombia on this idea, on this initiative, to
make certain that none of our and their red lines are crossed here. I think
everybody wants to be able to get to a solution of the hostage crisis. But we
have very close coordination and very close discussions with Colombia about
this initiative as it goes forward.